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The abolition of all taxation except for the land tax on wealth production “would be like removing an immense weight from a powerful spring” (432). The land in question is all land, not just farmland. In turn, this measure would stimulate industrial production. In general, “to shift the burden of taxation from production and exchange to the value or rent of land would not merely be to give new stimulus to the production of wealth; it would be to open new opportunities” (434). As a result, not only would land sale prices decrease, but speculation would also end. In the realm of labor, competition would not only involve workers competing for jobs but employers competing for workers. Demand and supply would be in balance. Trade would grow, and so would wealth.
To fully appreciate the impact of land taxation in lieu of other types of taxes, George must examine wealth distribution. Once capital and labor are no longer suffering from the burden of taxation, as it is instead applied to land rent, rent would “promote equality” where it once caused inequality (438). Every wealth-producing community would be able to split its wealth into two parts. One portion would go to individual producers as interest and wages. The other part would be used to benefit the entire community.
Using taxed rent on public initiatives would essentially abolish private land ownership. The result of this measure “would be to destroy the tendency to an absolute decrease in wages and interest, by destroying speculative monopolization of land and the speculative increase in rent” (440). Capital and labor would gain from this measure in two ways. First, they would no longer be taxed. Second, they “would gain by the positive decline in rent caused by the decrease in speculative land values” (440). As a result, all social classes would become richer, and new employment opportunities would arise. Paradoxically, once people stop fearing poverty, “no one would desire great wealth” (443).
At first, the proposal to tax only land will frighten the owners of small farms and other types of small landholdings. However, even in the case of large landowners, they “may lose relatively, yet even in their case there will be absolute gain” (445). Gains from production for labor and capital will be so substantial that they will benefit the entire community, including landowners.
Of course, the first recipients of this restructuring would be the wage earners as well as storekeepers, manufacturers, and merchants. Since working farmers both own land and perform labor, such farmers will gain significantly as laborers, while their losses would be nominal. Indeed, many landholders also perform labor.
Wealth redistribution is another important element. It will be distributed not in the same amount but considering each person’s different skills, knowledge, and overall contribution “to the common stock” (450). As land monopoly disappears, people’s fortunes would be based on their labor. Thus, large fortunes will disappear as well, “for when everyone gets what he fairly earns, no one can get more than he fairly earns” (451).
Society will transform for the better by removing land monopolies. The government may become simpler, no longer needing the bureaucracy to collect different taxes and punish tax evasion. Indeed, key branches of government—including executive, legislative, and judicial—will be “vastly simplified” (453). There will be fewer land disputes, and public debts would disappear. Standing armies might disappear, “aided by the progress of invention” and human intelligence (453). In general, “[s]ociety would thus approach the ideal of Jeffersonian democracy, the promised land of Herbert Spencer, the abolition of government” but only as a form of control (453).
Socialism may be achieved, as the abolishment of private land ownership will “remove want and the fear of want, [and will] give to all classes leisure, and comfort, and independence, the decencies, and refinements of life, the opportunities of mental and moral development” (468). Human nature is complex. It combines self-interest with higher moral qualities. These moral qualities allow humans to conceive of a society that is superior to the one of today. In a society in which want is abolished, such moral qualities will prevail. In turn, the human desire for exploration would lead to further scientific discoveries and technological advancement.
The main objective of Book 9 is to describe and evaluate the broad impact of the solution proposed by the author to the problem of progress and poverty. This solution is a single tax on land value in lieu of all other types of taxes. The author believes that his proposal—at once simple and radical—would benefit society in several ways.
First, the government will be unburdened by an affordable and simplified tax process without the need for a large bureaucracy collecting different types of taxes and penalizing tax evasion. Second, laborers will no longer have to pay taxes, and their wages will increase, which will improve their overall quality of life. Third, capital will be similarly free of taxation and able to stimulate industrial production and trade to its greatest ability, improving social conditions at large. Fourth, effectively banning private land ownership will give communities access to the vast wealth that they could split between wages and common causes to benefit them as a group. In this context, since landowners are also part of such communities, they, too, will share this wealth. Fifth, the gap between rich and poor would decrease significantly because, no longer fearing poverty, people would not seek extreme wealth. After all, the current problem in the world is unequal wealth distribution.
Thus, the land reform and its impact are George’s vision of socialism. It is important to briefly compare this vision with that of key thinkers like Karl Marx as discussed in The Link Between Private Land Ownership and Uneven Wealth Distribution. Unlike communism, which would be achieved through a Marxist revolution, George’s variant of socialism is organic. For example, the author argues against land confiscation. That said, Karl Marx was not specific about the way in which a revolution would occur. For this reason, some of his followers, like Social Democrats, believed in social evolution, whereas Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks believed in a violent revolution to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. Another key difference with Karl Marx is the fact that George argues for “the abolition of government,” but in the sense “of government only as a directing and repressive power” (453). In Marx’s utopian vision, the state will eventually wither away altogether.
George’s vision is better described as distributism: “Wealth would not only be enormously increased; it would be equally distributed” (450, emphasis added). However, it will only be distributed according to each individual’s contribution “to the common stock,” knowledge, and skill level (450). Furthermore, unlike strictly top-down socialism, distributism prefers, at the very least, communal sharing and, at most, state support for economic and societal cooperation. Distributism is often linked to Christian ideals, and the author brings up Christian principles throughout this book. For example, he underscores Christian ideals of community and equality, imbuing his vision of land reform with an ethical dimension.
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